“As youhe only Western journalist allowed to enter Iran ahead of the 2017 presidential elections, I followed then-candidate Ebrahim Raisi during the election campaign. Whatever illusions I had about Iran and its ambitions have melted away under the brutality of its warlike rhetoric.
culmination of Jerusalem last week, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has made it clear that while the United States remains committed to Israel’s security, it also wants to revive the Iran nuclear deal so that the Islamic Republic can be locked into a deal that, in theory , would contain its nuclear ambitions. In his opinion, a renegotiated deal is “the best way to put the Iranian program back in the box it was in but escaped from since the United States pulled out of the deal.”
This logic may be valid from a Western perspective, in that the most aligned nations have come to a consensus on how the game should be played for all sides to progress against each other. However, Iran does not respect these rules. I would argue that Iran’s very ideology, the expression of its political will (i.e. imperial nihilism), places its center of power forever outside the global narrative.
To imagine that the mullahs of Tehran would give up their long held dream of a nuclear weapon, the very weapon that would grant them power over those they seek to bring under their theocratic influence (so that Persia can be again) goes against logic. The very slogan of the Islamic Republic should make us think: “Death to Israel, Death to America.”
Giving credence to the promises made by Tehran can be called foolish at best and suicidal at worst.
Considering that the Islamic Republic has – since 2015 reneged on most of the terms set out in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) – a healthy dose of skepticism as to where this “train” might stop is a matter of necessity. “We have more than 210 kilograms [approximately 463 pounds] of 20% enriched uranium, and we produced 25 kilos [approximately 55 pounds] at 60%, a level that no country apart from those with nuclear weapons [is] capable of producing noted Behrouz Kamalvandi, spokesman for the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran (AEOI), in November 2021.
Iran’s identity today rests on three pillars, each more perverse than the other. I will know it; for years I grew close to his clerical class and was led to look at the workings of his state propaganda machine. As the only Western journalist allowed to enter Iran before the 2017 presidential elections, I monitoring Ebrahim Raisi, then candidate, in the electoral campaign. Whatever illusions I had about Iran and its ambitions have melted away under the brutality of its warlike rhetoric.
Iran’s unholy trinity is what holds its political apparatus together and consists of anti-Semitism, imperialism and chauvinism.
Under the Lawyer Governance, the Iranian ayatollahs have positioned themselves in the absolute negation of these values which are dear to us. Why would we want to give air to their dictatorial fire, or perhaps more accurately, offer them political validation by allowing them to take a seat at our table?
To engage in diplomacy, one must assume some degree of similarity. One need only look at the ferocity with which Iran has confronted its enemies, both internally and externally, to appreciate the folly of an alignment with Tehran, let alone an alignment around energy nuclear.
from iran nuclear ambition cannot be shortened by an agreement, whatever the terms. “Why”, one may ask? It is simply because Iran exists in the fascist antagonism of all those whose mere existence poses a threat to its hegemony, whether territorial, political or religious. Iran’s nuclear pursuit is in line with its ideology, so why would we dream of it not being so?
Beyond this is the understanding that if Iran were to become a nuclear power, the world would have to adapt to the regime and then also normalize its institutional existence. To isolate oneself from the truth and to want on the contrary to imagine a world where only reason motivates men of power is to condemn oneself to the fires of sectarianism and wanton murder.
Tehran’s nature is best expressed in the virulence of its hatred for Israel, its lust for oppression is best manifested in its war against women, and its desire to expand its reach exemplified by the calls of its clerics to no more vassals to his religious feudalism. Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Bahrain, Iraq… how many countries will we lose to Iranian megalomania before heeding the words of Christopher Hitchens when he wrote in 2010: “When the day comes when Tehran can announce its nuclear capability, every shred of international law will have been thrown away. The mullahs have publicly sworn – to the United Nations, the European Union and the International Atomic Energy Agency – that they are not cheating. By unmasking their batteries, they will mock the very idea of an “international community”?
We once swore that “never again” would we allow fascism to ransom our world for its horrors, but we watched idly as the Iranian mullahs called from their pulpits for the downfall of a people. All we need to know and should ever know about Iran is its call for the demise of Israel – not the state as many have claimed, but, as I have come to understand, the disappearance of his people, of all his people. Indeed, in the eyes of the mullahs, there is no greater sin than that of being born a Jew. For this reason alone, a deal with Iran cannot and should never be an option.
A former United Nations Security Council consultant on Yemen, Catherine Perez-Shakdam was one of the few Western analysts of Jewish heritage to have managed to move through the halls of Iranian power.